Fandom Studies: Dissecting the Brony

Dissecting the Brony

Paradoxical Masculinity in the My Little Pony Fandom

By Lucy Coleman

Originating in right-wing online discussion boards in the early 2010s, Brony subculture is a valuable case study in paradoxical fan identities and the impact of irony on gender identity. Though the My Little Pony fandom still boasts many members – the fansite ‘Equestria Daily’ lists twenty conventions in 2025 – it has declined in popularity, with the final large-scale BronyCon occurring in 2019.[1] Rather than the wider My Little Pony fandom, this essay specifically addresses the Bronies of the early 2010s whom Samuel Miller identifies as predominantly male, heterosexual and between the ages of eighteen and twenty-four.[2] Miller's survey is of 1,194 self-identified Bronies, but at the fandom’s peak the true number could have been in the tens of thousands.[3] An ironic portmanteau ‘bro’ and ‘pony,’ the moniker primarily denotes a straightforward enjoyment of My Little Pony, and as such I address men drawn to the fandom out of love for the show, rather than the minority exhibiting quasi-pedophilic and zoophilic interests.[4] Though some have compared Bronies’ complex gender identity to the male fans of other female-targeted titles like Twilight, I argue that My Little Pony’s overt femininity and the fandom’s ironic origins make it a uniquely transgressive case study in both fandom and gender studies.[5] Rigid constraints of masculinity form two paradoxes in the fan identity: one between irony and sincerity, and another between ‘love and tolerance’ and misogyny.

            In the field of Brony scholarship (which I am naming ‘Equestridemia’), few scholars connect the fandom’s ironic origins to its members’ complex masculinity. Unlike Twilight’s male fans, who often recount first watching as a ‘guilty pleasure’ before becoming earnest fans, the early male viewers of My Little Pony engaged with the show ironically.[6] As equestridemic Jenny Nicholson recalls, users of the anonymous website 4Chan first approached the show’s 4^th Generation Friendship is Magic in 2010 with ‘a level of irony,’ watching with ‘rock-bottom expectations.’[7] Discovering compelling characterisations and storylines, users posted in-jokes like ‘Fluttershy threatens to love and tolerate you’ on the 4Chan board ‘/b/’ to juxtapose its otherwise graphic and offensive content.[8] Nicholson argues that the fandom only became sincere when other 4Chan users missed the irony and reposted jokes earnestly.[9] Supporting this, Miller suggests that ‘the sincerity in the way [later] Bronies participate in [the fandom] suggests something else entirely than an ironic trend.’[10] I do not believe, however, that this shift from irony to sincerity was wholly binary. The first Urban Dictionary definition of ‘Brony,’ written during the so-called ironic phase, describes them as ‘people who take pride in watching My Little Pony.’[11] Later fans also maintained elements of irony, as seen in the self-mocking term ‘horse-famous,’ used for prominent Bronies, and the growth of the ironic subgroup: the ‘alt-Bronies,’ described by Mackenzie Rudd as ‘disingenuous trolls and wiseacres who espouse incendiary rhetoric solely for the shock value.’[12] This ambiguity surrounding genuine feeling can be understood as a defense of masculinity, as openly expressing enthusiasm for a hyper-feminine children’s show would violate what Michael Kimmel calls ‘The Guy Code’ – a set of behaviors expected of young men, including a preference for media that is ‘gross, offensive, and politically incorrect.’[13]

The Guy Code is reinforced by other men, as shown in the emergence of Brony anti-fandom. Bethan Jones writes that ‘scores of threads dedicated to ‘Brony hate’’ appeared on 4Chan because ‘Bronies disrupted traditional notions of gender,’ necessitating the creation of a separate discussion board to curb conflict.[14] Bronies were attacked for their ‘unmanly’ interest by figures like rightwing journalist Kurt Schlichter, who called them a ‘terrifying [...] freaking embarrassment,’ and ‘pathetic sissies giggling like school girls.’[15] Supporting Susan Witt’s theory that gender norms are instilled from a young age, ‘learned first in the home and are then reinforced by peers,’ several ‘Brony hate’ videos on YouTube have been uploaded by children: ‘I know it’s not straight, not normal for a male to watch My Little Pony,’ says one anonymous ten-year-old.[16] Sexuality is a key aspect of these gendered attacks. In Miller’s study, one Brony recalls being accused of ‘masturbating to gay horses,’ in an intriguing insult which shifts ridicule from the fan to the series itself, framing both as threats to masculinity, and subjecting them to ridicule as a result.[17] Brony identity thus navigates a paradoxical tension between irony and sincerity, where enjoyment is both openly claimed and denied as a self-defense mechanism.

            One overlooked factor in the Brony community’s rapid expansion between 2010 and 2012 is the unique accessibility of its fan works. In his essay ‘The Cultural Economy of Fandom,’ John Fiske describes the ‘textual productivity’ of fans when creating artworks or fanfiction, ‘melding the [text] and the fan into a productive community’ which ‘minimizes differences between artist and audience.’[18] Friends of mine who formerly identified as Bronies recall the pony ‘doll’ on DeviantArt – a template which allowed users to design their own ponies – as a uniquely accessible gateway to fanart creation.[19] Bronies were particularly known for their original characters who were integrated into the show’s universe, reinforcing Fiske’s theory of blurred hierarchies between fan and text. The simplicity and reproducibility of the character designs encouraged creative participation, fueling the fandom’s expansion, whilst offering a personal relationship with the show. The act of older, male fans designing and cosplaying childlike, feminine characters represents a radical dissolution of identity – both aged and gendered – comparable to drag. In his widely criticised 2012 documentary on Bronies, John de Lancie, who cameoed as Discord in several episodes of the show, characterised the fans as autistic young men who learned lessons about friendship from the show.[20] Though rejected by Bronies as a profit-driven endeavor which heavily sanitised the Brony community (there are no references, for example, to ‘clopping,’ which I will not be defining in this essay), Lancie’s documentary does reflect that the personal relationship offered by fan works encouraged Bronies to earnestly connect to the show’s message of ‘love and tolerance.’ ‘They watch the show and hold up the values espoused on there,’ one Reddit user writes, ‘they really mean that ‘love and tolerate the shit out of you’ stuff.’[21]

            Beyond fan works, the blurred divide between show and audience was also fostered by the show’s producers. Much like The CW’s Supernatural, which incorporated fan jokes into the episode ‘Fan Fiction’ (S10.E5), My Little Pony embraced its Brony viewers in its hundredth episode which canonised fan theories such as background character ‘Dr Whooves.’[22] Henry Jenkins notes that when fans ‘become active participants in the construction and circulation of textual meanings’ they often develop a sense of ownership over the text.[23] This was particularly true for Bronies, who, having shaped aspects of the show, began viewing the series as ‘for them’ rather than its intended young female audience.[24] The broader cultural dismissal of female-targeted media likely reinforced this perception of ownership – in recent years writers like Chelsey Goodan have critiqued the way media critics often dismiss teenage girls’ interests as ‘trivial.’[25] In order for Bronies to consider My Little Pony a high-quality show, they subconsciously framed it as something that was secretly ‘meant’ for them, leading to misogynistic gatekeeping. One friend of mine recounted an experience she’d had at age twelve at a 2014 convention, when a conversation with a twenty-year-old Brony became hostile as he attempted to prove his superior knowledge of the show. Such stories match Nicholson’s account of being shamed at Brony conventions for not knowing male Bronies’ original characters.[26] ‘At first when I heard about Bronies I thought, how lovely to see men celebrate and uplift a thing made for little girls,’ Nicholson recalls, ‘but the more Brony culture took over the show, the less I saw it as celebrating what it was and the more I saw it as taking it away.’[27] While not universal, this exclusionary behaviour reflects the inherent insecurities within Brony gender identity, serving as a defensive reaction to the stigma of enjoying a female-targeted show.

            The fact that many Bronies were heterosexual men who reinforced misogynistic dynamics (early 4Chan communities were notorious for their sexism) while simultaneously celebrating a hyper-feminine show, presents a second paradox in Brony identity. The series is uniquely feminine – more so than other female-targeted works like Twilight – with its garishly bright colour palette and the exaggeratedly high-pitched voices of the main (‘Mane’) six ponies. This distinct feature has made the series a reference point for hyper-feminine vocal comparisons; one might say, for example, that Paris Hilton affected her voice to be ‘like a My Little Pony’ character. Anne Carson notes that ‘high vocal pitch’ and ‘talkativeness’ when combined are historically perceived as ‘bad to hear’ traits which ‘make men uncomfortable.’[28] Yet, by celebrating characters with these traits, Bronies subvert this norm. Nicholson herself recalls becoming ‘horse famous’ for her high-pitched voice in the parody series ‘Friendship is Witchcraft’, establishing hyper-femininity not as a hindrance but as a marker of status within the fandom.[39] The series exaggerates femininity to comic proportions, even as it is embraced by a male fandom which is at times misogynistic, making My Little Pony a uniquely important case study in paradoxical masculinity.

            The Brony, a divisive and ridiculed figure of the last fifteen years, embodies a paradoxical identity shaped by the rigid codes of masculinity in the early 2010s. Due to its unique accessibility and productivity, the Brony community accelerated typical fandom dynamics, attracting ‘anti-Brony’ ridicule for its gender nonconformity. This fandom grapples with dual conflicts: one between irony and sincerity, and another in which members preach ‘love and tolerance’ and idolize hyper-femininity whilst actively excluding young women. The struggle to embrace their enjoyment of the series while preserving a masculine, heterosexual identity makes the Brony a compelling subject of study in both fandom and gender discourse.

References

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[1] Sethisto, ‘My Little Pony / Brony Conventions – 2025 Listing’, Equestria Daily, n.d. <https://www.equestriadaily.com/2025/01/my-little-pony-brony-conventions-2025.html> [accessed 19 March 2025].

[2] Samuel Clark Miller, Friendship is Manly: The Brony Fandom and the Challenge of Masculinity (The University of North Dakota ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2016), pp.79-83.

[3] Miller, p.81.

[4] See, for example: Jenny Nicholson, ‘The Last BronyCon: a fandom autopsy’, YouTube, 21 July 2020, (0hr 14min) <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4fVOF2PiHnc> [accessed 12 February 2025].

[5] Bethan Jones, ‘My Little Pony, tolerance is magic: Gender policing and Brony anti-fandom’, The Journal of Popular Television, 3.1 (2015), 119-125 (p.119).

[6] Melissa Click, ‘Twi-dudes and Twi-guys: How Twilight’s Male Fans Interpret and Engage with a Feminized Text’, Men and Masculinities, 19.3 (2016), 219-239 (p.218).

[7] Nicholson, (0hr 5min).

[8] Robin G., Memes and Community Building: A Case Study of 'Love and Tolerance' in the ‘My Little Pony: Friendship is Magic’ Community (Ecole Nationale Superieure d'Informatique pour l'Industrie et l'Entreprise, 2011), p.5.

[9] Nicholson, (0hr 10min).

[10] Miller, p.151.

[11] DavidDavidSonic, ‘Brony’, Urban Dictionary, 24 December 2010 <https://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Brony&page=6> [accessed 20 March 2025].

[12] Nicholson, (0hr 23min); Mackenzie Rudd, ‘My Little Nazi: the Curious Link Between the Alt-Right and the My Little Pony Fandom’, Medium, 18 March 2019 < https://mackenzierudd.medium.com/my-little-nazi-the-curious-link-between-the-alt-right-and-the-my-little-pony-fandom-13d753919418> [accessed 24 March 2025].

[13] Michael Kimmel, Guyland: The Perilous World Where Boys Become Men (Harper, 2008), p.45, 160.

[14] Jones, p.119.

[15] Kurt Schlichter, ‘Terrifying New Trend: Grown Men Who Dig My Little Pony?’, Breitbart, 25 April 2012 <https://www.breitbart.com/entertainment/2012/04/25/my-little-pony/> [accessed 20 March 2025].

[16] Susan D. Witt, ‘Parental Influence on Children’s Socialisation to Gender Roles’, Adolescence, 32.126 (1997), 253-9; Ultimate God Gogeta, ‘Why i hate bronies and my little pony’, YouTube, 4 October 2014 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c2PAVjV4OnA> [accessed 20 March 2025].

[17] Miller, p.104.

[18] John Fiske, ‘The Cultural Economy of Fandom’, in The Adoring Audience (Routledge, 1992), pp.30-49 (p.37).

[19] ‘MLP – Dolls’, DeviantArt, 2015 <https://www.deviantart.com/mlp-dolls/gallery?page=2> [accessed 19 March 2025].

[20] Laurent Malaquais, dir., Bronies: The Extremely Unexpected Adult Fans of My Little Pony (USA, 2012).

[21] U/palebluedot0418, ‘Bronies… Is it ironic?’, Reddit, 2014 <https://www.reddit.com/r/OutOfTheLoop/comments/1vili3/bronies_is_it_ironic/> [accessed 24 March 2025].

[22] ‘Slice of Life’, My Little Pony: Friendship is Magic, Hasbro (Discovery Family, 2015), season 5, episode 9.

[23] Henry Jenkins, Textual Poachers (Routledge, 1992), p.24.

[24] Nicholson, (0hr51min).

[25] Chelsey Goodan, Underestimated: The Wisdom and Power of Teenage Girls (Gallery Books, 2024).

[26] Nicholson, (0hr47min).

[27] Nicholson, (1hr0min).

[28] Anne Carson, ‘The Gender of Sound’, in Glass, Ivory and God (New Directions, 1995), pp.119-142 (p.119).

[29] Nicholson, (0hr25min).